WASHINGTON – Blair House, the residence used to accommodate foreign dignitaries, was busy this week as French President Emmanuel Macron and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer both paid visits to the White House, the first European leaders to do so since President Donald Trump’s January inauguration.
The visits served as a window into Trump’s intentions regarding Europe over the next four years as Macron and Starmer tried to adapt to the new state of transatlantic relations.
Macron’s visit built on an existing history with Trump dating back to the president’s first term. On Monday, Trump repeatedly praised Macron for the speedy restoration of the Notre Dame cathedral in Paris, which reopened late last year in record time after a catastrophic fire in 2019.
Yet even the smiles and friendly words could not hide the tension between the two leaders as they disagreed over several issues, and the visit did not yield the commitments on Ukraine or trade that Europeans had hoped for from the American president.
Neither did Starmer’s visit. Upon his arrival on Thursday, the British leader presented Trump with a formal invitation from King Charles III, a move evidently calculated to appeal to Trump’s fondness of the monarchy.
“The president has this romantic sense of Britain and he loves the royalty,” said Daniel Hamilton, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution’s Center on the United States and Europe, “so he treats the UK in a somewhat different way than the Europeans.”
Starmer sought to make a good impression and avoided most points of contention with Trump.
Ukraine and European Security
The flurry of diplomatic activity came as the Trump administration unexpectedly reopened diplomatic channels with Russia in early February, an action that has left European allies scrambling to adjust, with Macron calling an emergency meeting of European leaders in response.
“The Europeans have not been included in the direct discussions,” Hamilton said, “and so I think they want to hear from Trump himself what’s going on here.”
France and the U.K. have both been very clear that a peace deal in Ukraine cannot be negotiated without Ukraine at the table. Trump, in contrast, has shown a willingness to re-engage Russia without either European or Ukrainian involvement.
The contrast in priorities was on stark display at Monday’s joint press conference.
Speaking in French, Macron repeatedly referenced “la guerre d’agression russe,” “the war of Russian aggression.” Yet just that same morning, the U.S. had joined Russia, North Korea, and other Russia-friendly nations in voting to oppose a U.N. resolution condemning Russia as the aggressor in the war.
Both France and the U.K. have expressed willingness to send peacekeeping troops to Ukraine should an agreement be reached, but have indicated they want a U.S. “backstop,” an assurance that the U.S. would provide some kind of support, still unspecified, if necessary. Trump has consistently avoided making such a commitment, repeatedly insisting a deal first be reached before discussing the details of any U.S. role, much to the frustration of European allies.
Divergence on Russia was a symptom of broader disagreements over the role the U.S. should play in European security.
“The new U.S. administration has kind of thrown grenades at the foundations of postwar European security,” said Anand Menon, a professor of European politics and foreign affairs at King’s College London. “European leaders are desperately worried not only that the U.S. is on the point of selling out Ukraine, but that … more broadly, the U.S. has basically decided that it’s up to Europeans to defend themselves.”
The words and actions of both leaders reflected a recognition that the U.S. is no longer a reliable defense partner.
Starmer arrived in Washington with his government’s recent pledge to increase defense spending, announced the day before his visit. And after his Oval Office meeting with Trump, Macron, speaking for the EU, said it must do more for its own security. “Europe is very clear-eyed about this,” he said.
Trade and Tariffs
Trump “doesn’t think the EU is a good deal for America,” Hamilton said, “which contravenes 80 years of U.S. policy.”
During a meeting with his cabinet on Wednesday, between the Macron and Starmer visits, Trump told reporters that “the European Union was formed in order to screw the United States,” and said he will soon be announcing 25% tariffs on the EU.
Trump has frequently claimed that the U.S. is treated unfairly by enemies and allies alike, and the EU, in particular, has long been a target.
“He only focuses on the trade deficit in goods with the European Union,” Hamilton said. “But the U.S. has a trade surplus in services with the EU, which he never mentions.” The mischaracterization is political, he said, and designed to appeal to his base.
With the EU already vowing to respond to new tariffs in kind, the chances of a trade war appear to be increasing.
“The EU could punish the United States very badly if it wanted to,” Hamilton said, adding that as America’s most important trading partner, the EU wields considerable leverage.
Léonie Allard, a visiting fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Europe Center, pointed out the irony of Trump’s provocation.
“You cannot engage in a trade war and these measures and tariffs that weaken the European economy if you want them to spend more on defense,” she said.
Trump’s displeasure with the EU means Brexit will likely prove a boon to U.S.-U.K. relations during this administration. Meeting with Trump in the Oval Office on Thursday, Starmer tried to differentiate Britain from continental Europe.
“Our trade, obviously, is fair and balanced,” Starmer said. “And in fact, you’ve got a bit of a surplus. So we’re in a different position there.”
But with the U.S. and the EU ever more at odds, balancing relations with both leaves the U.K. walking a very fine line.
“If we’re seen to be cozying up to the US,” Menon said, “I think some people in the European Union will say, ‘well, if you’re taking the side of the United States, don’t expect any friendly treatment from us.’”
For now, it seems, the visits did little to move the needle, neither on trade nor on Ukraine. But perhaps that was not the intent.
“This visit, I think, was not about deliverables,” Allard said. “It was about delivering a message from the Europeans saying, ‘we’re ready.’”
